Forgiveness is unique in being a reaction which breaks the chain, making a fresh start possible. It has been observed, of late, that there is a deficit of forgiveness in ‘cancel culture’ and the reputational attacks that thrive in the reaction economy. But digital platforms are anti-forgiveness machines by design. The broader question is how any of us – but especially children and young people – can become comfortable with our own freedom, our own spontaneity, against the backdrop of surveillance capitalism, which is the real condition of the reaction economy.

This paper situates digital capitalism as a continuation of longer running post-Fordist trends of financialisation, digitalisation, and privatisation. As the platform model is founded on monopolising regulation, platforms come into direct competition with states and public institutions, which they pursue through a set of distinct techno-political strategies to claim power to govern. While the digital proprietary markets are continuities of existing trends, they bring new pressures and affordances, thus producing discontinuities in social regulation.

The Toronto narrative suggests that while the materialisation of this version of neoliberalism is advantaged by plentiful resources, futurist visions of the city, and access to new technology, it is not immune to implementation hurdles associated with the context-specific nature of neoliberal projects. Three categories of obstacles hampered the Sidewalk project: opposition movements objecting to electronic surveillance, corporate control, and restrictions to democratic processes; the fragmentation of the neoliberal political block; and ill-advised strategies on the part of Sidewalk.

Since the end of the twentieth century, cybersecurity has become present in multiple sectoral debates in various fields and communities. This makes digital security a highly polysemantic domain. Simply put, there is no single universal understanding of cybersecurity. Thispaper analyses how different discourses on cybersecurity impact the policies and regulations introduced at the nation-state level taking the case study of Poland and looking at the social and political dynamics between 2008 and 2020.

The former head of Human Rights Watch reflects on how technological developments have aided and abetted human rights abuses in recent history – as well as how they may be put to work in protecting rights in unfree places.

This work puts the three existing cases in conversation to better understand how Internet infrastructure alternatives presented as radical, new, or non-hierarchical present shortcomings and opportunities. From this comparison, the article closes its discussion with three heuristics for radical infrastructure: the need for pushing for alternative ensembles of support, busting the myth of technosolutionism, re-politicising Internet infrastructure, and encouraging technical communities to build around cooperativity, not connectivity.

The Act does not support genuine emancipation of citizens in the digital world, as it hands over the issue of protection to expert bodies and institutions. The EU's unique approach to regulation of the digital economy does not reflect the triple movement postulated in Nancy Fraser's critique of Karl Polanyi's double movement, as it does not include solutions that would allow the societal actors to enforce their rights concerning artificial intelligence. Thus, the Act serves mostly as a tool to build the EU’s political position.

Netflix is changing its subscription configuration, testing it in Canada and three other countries before rolling it out, presumably, in the US, its most lucrative market. Described as a 'crackdown' on password sharing, this change will prevent access to Netflix from devices not associated with our home network. This article questions whether this business model is sustainable in the long run.

According to this report, far from the social profiles of unionised employees, platform workers are also far from trade union organisations: they sometimes turn to other actors, such as self-organised collectives, to make their demands. However, some unions manage to adapt their discourse and practices to include these workers and take into account their needs, especially in terms of income and social protection.

The European Union is gradually developing ambiguous legislation on the introduction of social credit, despite grand official proclamations. In Italy, for example, from 2022 the municipalities of Rome and Bologna are experimenting with social credit initiatives, incentivised and optional, which aim to reward behaviour deemed 'virtuous' in terms of sustainable development. This article asks whether we should fear the introduction of a social credit system like the one that has appeared in China.